Go to: “They Destroy, We Create: The Anti-Austerity UK Alliance” in Planet Magazine: The Welsh Internationalist
The people of Greece have voted for a better future for their children, themselves, and for the myriad peoples of the world.
All of us have suffered long enough from the fraudulent project of Austerity, a cruel, utterly thoughtless, and unnecessary deconstruction/destruction/theft of the Public Realm.
We celebrate the victory of Syriza, who taught us that ‘Austerity is the crisis itself.’
Let us join with the Anti-Austerity UK alliance of Plaid Cymru – The Party of Wales, the Scottish National Party and The Green Party in the fight in the United Kingdom against austerity and nuclear weapons, in order to build a world where there are sound and smart public services and a strong NHS.
We all need to continue to work together to strengthen the European and World Movement Against the CRISES of Austerity and Neo-Liberalism.
At the Syriza Victory Rally in London on 28 Janary 2015 at the TUC Congress House, a representative of the new Syriza government warned that much pressure will be placed upon the new anti-Austerity government in Greece and that the best way for us to support their revolution is to mobilise strong anti-austerity movements in our own countries.
We must do everything we can to continue to energise the already existing Anti-Austerity movement, and now with the inclusion in the debates and a viable chance of political expression and representation, work to hold the ‘balance of power’ in a hung parliament. A strong movement and humane government here will benefit the peoples of the the United Kingdom, Europe and the rest of the world – and will prevent another Allende unfolding for the first Left government in European history.
Chapter 1: The British Wasteland: The Toxic Coalition and the Vultures of the Right
On the Toxicity of the Coalition Government and the Cynicism of UKIP and the Tory Right
The British Wasteland: The Meaning of Cameron
As we can barely remember the debates between Nigel Farage and Nick Clegg, it appears that the odd man out has now obtained legitimacy, stature, plausibility. With our senses still awash with the anti-climactic failure of the Scots to take a bloodless independence that was so nicely gift-wrapped for them, all we can now remember is that Nick Clegg was dreadful and failed to convey the very absurdity of UKIP policy on obvious grounds. The very fact that Nick Clegg stood on the same stage as Nigel Farage was a mistake and revealed his lack of political judgment. Why were not the other two parties represented, as an all UK debate? Or, was it, perhaps, merely a job interview for the junior partner of the next Coalition?
Clegg’s follow up criticism of Farage over Ukraine was a pathetic sideshow to the illegal Western involvement in a coup d’etat, in which fascists have now formally entered into the cabinet of a soon-to-be European government for the first time since WWII. But, we all pretend that that did not happen and condemn Russia instead. Farage was ironically correct on this issue that the Coalition government has ‘blood on its hands’ over Ukraine, and UKIP has never been as strong as it is today. It is now conceivable to imagine a Coalition Government in which they would be a part, such as a Conservative-UKIP alliance.
To read the rest of the article, please visit The British Wasteland
This essay, which is quite different than most of the essays on this site (especially as it unavoidably includes mathematical equations) explores that which is deemed here as the ‘second mystery’, which concerns why there are not more employee owned firms, given that they have been shown to be objectively more productive. The first mystery, which was the focus of an investigation by Roger McCain in his ‘The Mystery of Worker Buyouts of Bankrupt Firms,’ examines the reason why workers will take over a bankrupt firm (a bankrupt country, global governance), even if it means a short-term fall in wages. His conclusion is that the Neo-Classical economic theory of John Bates Clark, which depends upon the reductive notion of rational self-interest among workers, sets forth a false conception of the interests of the worker as a ‘one-dimensional man’ (Marcuse), and thus, cannot explain the complexity and depth of the decision-making process of workers in the crisis situation of a bankrupt firm or a bankrupt planet.
In this current essay, ‘The Second Mystery: Employee Ownership and the Democratic Economy’, in addition to giving a detailed account of McCain’s essay, sets forth the political and cultural reasons for the lack of confidence and interest by the banking sector in employee owned firms. These reasons turn on the false picture of the worker in Neo-Classical economics and the anti-democratic prejudices of the ‘movers and shakers’ of the capitalist economy, including scholars of economics. Beyond the alternative theoretical model set forth by McCain, which is based upon Game Theory (the expertise and theoretical basis of Syriza’s Yanis Varoufakis’ thinking in Greece) and the capacity of workers to initiate subgame strategies in the context of an employee buyout of a bankrupt firm, the essay lays out historical examples of previous successful and non-successful attempts of employee ownership, emphasising the need for the creation of a Democratic Economy which is based on a revaluation of the intelligence and capacity for self-management of employees in the context of an ongoing concern – one of the most important of which is democracy itself (and its meaning).