Go to: “They Destroy, We Create: The Anti-Austerity UK Alliance” in Planet Magazine: The Welsh Internationalist
A response was received to my Freedom of Information (FOI) to Ofcom on Compliance With Equality Act 2010 and its 2011 Supplements for Broadcasters, and they promise to answer my FOI Request by 19 February 2015.
FREEDOM OF INFORMATION REQUEST TO OFCOM
22 January 2015
The Office of Communications
2a Southwark Bridge Road
Fax: information requests on 0300 123 0811
1 – In my first request, I ask you to provide copies of the all communications and documents whether electronic or otherwise which pertain to OFCOM’s steps to comply with the Equality Act 2010 and its 2011 Supplements for Broadcasters: 2011 Statutory Instruments (No. 2260), Special Duties, and Regulations of the Act.
2 – In my second request, I ask you to provide a list of meetings, participants, and minutes thereof which related, in any manner, to the Equality Act 2010 and its 2011 Supplements for Broadcasters: 2011 Statutory Instruments (No. 2260), Special Duties, and Regulations of the Act.
3 – In my third request, I ask you to provide copies of whatever notes or minutes were taken of any occasions in which OFCOM discussed and made efforts to bring the Election Guidelines of 2010 into compliance with the Equality Act 2010 and its 2011 Supplements for Broadcasters: 2011 Statutory Instruments (No. 2260), Special Duties, and Regulations of the Act
4 – In my fourth request, I ask you to provide me with all documentation, communications, whether electronic or otherwise, which pertain to Election Guidelines per se, the Election Guidelines of 2010 as such and details of the Consultation process and all meetings and communications pertaining to the 2015 Election Guidelines.
5 – In my fifth request, I ask you to provide copies, whether electronic or otherwise, of any and all communications that OFCOM has had with the Coalition government, or agents thereof, or with members of the Civil Service, political parties (or their representatives), and broadcasters, regarding the Equality Act 2010 and its 2011 Supplements for Broadcasters: 2011 Statutory Instruments (No. 2260), Special Duties, and Regulations of the Act or with respect to the topic Election Guidelines per se.
Write to Ofcom, Demanding Inclusion, Diversity and Equality in the Leaders Debates and Make A FOI Request on the Equality Act of 2010 and the 2011 Supplements for Broadcasters.
Marx and the Revolution of the Sacred
Religious suffering is at one and the same time the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people. 
Religion is the general theory of that world, its encyclopaedic compendium, its logic in a popular form, its spiritualistic point d’honneur, its enthusiasm, its moral sanction, its solemn complement, its universal source of consolation and justification. It is the fantastic realization of the human essence because the human essence has no true reality. The struggle against religion is therefore indirectly a fight against the world of which religion is the spiritual aroma.
Perhaps the most formidable obstacle in the task of retrieving a sense of the sacred in Marx consists in his repeated, and often polemical, statements against religion – or the edited selections of his editors and guardians. Indeed, such an obstacle may in the end be one of our own making, as we are trapped within the labyrinth of our own historical understanding. Yet, assuming, for the moment, that religion and the sacred are the same phenomena, if we take his pronouncement that religion is the opium of the people – which I purposely left out in the opening quotation – in isolation, we may be lead to believe that Marx felt that at best religion – and thus the ‘sacred’ – is a narcotic, which while it may be utilized to alleviate pain, remains an illusory amelioration for a situation of humiliation and despair. Religion is an opiate in that it not only implies sedation from the pain of a life of exploitation, but also – ambivalently – suggests a systematic and strategic attempt to deaden or absorb any critical impulse to liberation. In this sense, Marx’s characterization of religion as an opiate is a forerunner of many of the most radical criticisms of religion and ‘negative’ theology in last century – Gutierrez, Miranda, Bultmann, Heidegger, Derrida, and Bataille. Each of these thinkers, in his own way, articulated a sense of the sacred in the wake of Marx and his deconstruction of religion as an ‘ideology’ – despite, perhaps, his own generation’s scientistic blindness to the regulative status of all ideas.
The kinship which is shared by each of these thinkers is a disdain for mere religion in favour of the ‘sacred’. Religion simultaneously constructs a ‘picture’ (Bild) for contemplation (Anschauung) and an organization that cultivates our captivity to that ‘picture’ (Wittgenstein). The sacred, on the contrary, intimates ‘love’ (Badiou), ‘binding commitment’ (Heidegger), an engaged and affirmative eruption of liberation amidst finite existence. Religion constructs its eternal church as an everlasting perpetuation of the ‘picture’, of an idol – a captivating grammar of existence – while the sacred exults in this moment of lived existence, in the haeccitas of Duns Scotus. If religion is a ‘rational’ and ‘systematic’ orchestration of feeling and phenomena, the sacred is an attempt to seek access to a phenomenon beyond the array of objectification towards traces of the numen. Indeed, for Otto, one need only begin amidst this singular event.
In light of this preliminary distinction between religion and the sacred, it will be the task of Marx and the Revolution of the Sacred to excavate and disclose in the writings and historical activism of Marx an affirmative sense of the sacred which is alterior to his inherently negative conception of religion. With Marx’s empathy in his ‘sigh of the oppressed creature’, we can glimpse a sense of the sacred dissociated from a religious leviathan that merely serves to perpetuate suffering – we can begin to glimpse a sacred that exists as a radical commitment to liberation. In this way, I will contend that Marx’s criticism of religion as an ideology of oppression and sedation in no way forecloses on a possible relationship between his work and Twentieth and Twenty-First Century attempts to articulate a sense of the sacred in the world. There emerges in these latter attempts the possibility of an openness which discloses a topos for an encounter with a sense of a sacred not mediated by ‘ideology’ (or positive theology).
To read the book for free, please visit Marx and the Revolution of the Sacred
To read and download a smart phone, IPad, etc.-friendly PDF of the book, please visit Marx and the Revolution of the Sacred – Academia.edu
Translated by Emrah Saracoglu
To read the essay in other languages, please visit The Wreckage of Stars: Nietzsche and the Ecstasy of Poetry
The Unstitute is proud to present the essay ‘The Wreckage of Stars: Nietzsche and the Ecstasy of Poetry’ by Dr James Luchte – available in English for the first time. It has been included in the permanent archive ‘[dis]Corporate Bodies’.
The essay artfully argues against the scholastic traditions of Western academia, the creation of the modern ‘theoretical man’ and the philosophical ‘spectator’, and explores the challenging alternatives presented in Nietzsche’s ‘Thus Spoke Zarathustra’.
Read the full essay here: [dis]Corporate Bodies 2 – The Wreckage of Stars
Go to: The Wreckage of Stars: Nietzsche and the Ecstasy of Poetry on this site.
The following essay, the fourth in a series of pieces engaged in Welsh and British politics, takes the position that the manifold deficits upon the Welsh political and economic landscape cannot be resolved by the current constitutional arrangement of the United Kingdom. Moreover, against the background of the obsolescence of the constitutional order, Plaid Cymru, the Party of Wales will be introduced as an experienced and progressive voice in the Welsh experience, and as an option for an increasingly broad array of citizens in the General Elections of 2015. Despite the fact that it has been around since 1925, still too few in Wales itself know about a political party which is New Left, Green, Socially Liberal, Internationalist and Pro-Europe. What makes Plaid Cymru different from the Westminster parties, including the Greens, is that the Party of Wales no longer believes that Westminster will or can fulfill the aspirations of the people of Wales for a better life. Wales, in this light, needs a voice and direction of its own.