Trump vs the National Security Establishment–Will there be a revolution in US foreign policy?

trump-ass

(excerpt)

Trump has however won the election and he is on a direct collision course with the National Security establishment.  Of course, Trump is an unlikely revolutionary.  He has never said he would defy the National Security Act of 1947 (no president has), which means that he will accept its shadowy apparatus and its bureaucratic methodologies. Indeed, he supports increased NSA surveillance, expanded military spending, CIA activism, FBI phone hacking, etcetera. He is simply suggesting a different target for business-as-usual, by reminding us of our last propaganda cycle, the “War on Terror”.

Yet, Trump has thus far failed to articulate the “big picture” of a Russian rapprochement in the context of the necessity of a US glasnost – of a deconstruction of the National Security state.  During a campaign characterised by serial violations of longstanding taboos (Sanders’ opposition to the CIA, his support of the Sandinistas and Cuba) and Wikileaks’ disclosure of sensitive and damaging government and campaign documents, Trump squandered his opportunity to lay out a credible vision for either radical reform or revolution.  Indeed, he has been happy to simultaneously endorse the NSA surveillance state and Wikileaks – and without irony.

Trump’s has thus far failed to articulate a coherent vision of a cooperative, multi-polar world – in other words, to invite ordinary citizens to demand a radical change in the concept of national security and of the place of the US in the world.  If he does not challenge the NSC, Trump’s insurgency will expose itself as a distraction to the urgent task of finding a pathway out of the labyrinth of empire.  In its naivety, Trump’s “revolution” would then serve to further merely consolidate the unquestioned impunity of the National Security state.

To read the complete essay, please visit Trump vs. the National Security Establishment.

Advertisements

The Three Graces of Politics – The UK General Elections 2015

The Three Graces of Politics

Faith, Hope and Charity

By James Luchte

the hug

Jonathan Jones reminded us recently through “probably a wildly inappropriate pre-feminist art historical reference”, in his article, “Something new is happening in British politics. This image captures it.” (Guardian, 17 April 2015), of the resemblance of the embrace between the party leaders of Plaid Cymru – The Party of Wales and Green Party, Leanne Wood, Natalie Bennett and Nicola Sturgeon, respectively and the Three Graces.

The Three Graces are commonly known as faith, hope and charity, but have the tangible meanings of trust, confidence, and love or solidarity,.a symbolism common to many religions and tendencies of thinking.

Indeed, Jonathan’s suggestion is quite apt, and can demonstrate the importance of humanities (crassly cut out of the Coalition’s Tory budget) in the context of political reality. We already know what Burns, Mary and Percy Shelley, Dickens has taught us, and Camus, Joyce, Ginsberg and Dylan Thomas, as contributors to the ethos of a culture which engages in political economic and social questioning from differing perspectives.

This embrace of three progressive leaders, amidst an era of constant crisis, allows us, by coincidence, it would seem, to remember the Three Graces and their significance to the meaning of the New Politics – one of trust, well-being, and social solidarity.

These Graces, or Virtues, in this light, are politically speaking, the characteristics of a healthy society, with some resemblance to Plato’s own tripartite schema in his Republic, and I will consider each of them in turn.

To read the rest of the essay, please visit The Three Graces of Politics: The UK General Electiions

Athens Without Slavery: The Battle For Europe – Daily Wales: News for a Sovereign Nation

Wales in the European Union

TEuropean Movementhis article was published by the European Movement on 14 January 2014.

Will the proposed UK EU exit make Welsh independence inevitable? Should Wales follow Scotland if it votes ‘Yes’?

The benefits of EU membership are universally acknowledged in Wales and nobody in the mainstream of politics, business and academia in Wales wants to leave the European Union – at least no one I know.

But, this mantra of the UK’s departure of the EU has become an inescapable talking point of politics, inciting unnecessary instability in a time of persistent and deepening insecurity.

Yet, the mantra may have unintended and ironic consequences, especially for Wales, if it begins to take seriously the possibility of a UK exit of the EU.

Such an exit could force Wales to assert its independence for practical (social, political, economic) and philosophical (political and ethical) reasons.

There are serious questions to be asked regarding the security of Welsh development – and Welsh priorities – outside of the protections of the European Charter of Human Rights and significant EU treaties and documents outlining social and employment protections, rights to healthcare, academic freedom, environmental regulations… and the list goes on…

The Welsh Assembly Government has fought courageously to protect health rights, such as free prescriptions, and has placed a redoubled focus upon the project of sustainability. It has protected Welsh university students, even those going to university in England and Scotland… and the list goes on…

To read the rest of the essay, please visit Wales in the European Union.